Politically Incorrect Literature? A Feminist Critique of the
Sexual Discourse of the Modern Malay Novel
WASHIMA CHE DAN
ABSTRACT
This article frames its discussion within the sociolinguistic sphere of prescriptive
versus descriptive debates on language, juxtaposing the verbal hygiene practice
of political correctness with definitions of what is literature. The language under
scrutiny here is the language of the modern Malay novel, particularly pertaining
to its treatment of sex and sexuality. A feminist critique of the language of the
modern Malay novel in relation to verbal hygiene practices reveals a predictable
disregard of political correctness in the way that women and their sex and
sexuality are represented. It is proposed that a feminist reading of the modern
Malay novel can contribute to the discussion of what is literature within Malay
Muslim contexts.
Key words: Political correctness, Malay literature, Sexual Discourse, Islamic
literature92 Sari 24
INTRODUCTION
In order to problematize how use of language is at the center of the discussion
on explicit sexuality in the modern Malay novel, I will depart from Orwell’s
(1945) point that the decay of language marks the decay of civilization and
explicate the role of language in debates on political correctness as presented
by Deborah Cameron (1995b).
The relationship between language and civilization has been discussed at
length by George Orwell in his essay Politics and the English Language (1945).
Orwell argues that the decay of a civilization and the decay of its language are
related, and that furthermore, the decay of a language can be traced to political
and economic influences. Whilst it is clear that modern Malay literature has
evidently been influenced by the political and economic climate of the country,
I propose that the explicit sexual discourse found in the works of Malay authors
such as Shahnon Ahmad is not only politically incorrect, but needs to be
interrogated for its potential conflict with definitions and ethics of Malay
literature which carries the burden of being located within the larger Islamic
literature.
POLITICAL CORRECTNESS AND LANGUAGE USE
How does the issue of political correctness fit into a discussion of what is
literature? As a form of verbal hygiene, political correctness is a unique instance
in sociolinguistics whereby prescriptivism triumphs over descriptivism. In other
words, it is an example of society shaping language, instead of language shaping
society.
Before we look at how this can be applied to a discussion on definitions of
literature, this paper will begin with a critique of chapter four of Cameron’s
(1995) book Verbal Hygiene, titled “Civility and its Discontents: Language
and ‘Political Correctness’”. In the chapter, Cameron unpacks the term “political
correctness” rigorously and explores the idea that “political correctness” is seen
as a worrying manifestation of the 1990s zeitgeist (the spirit of the age). In
doing so, she not only questions where the information or examples of “political
correctness” are coming from, but also connects them to language use and raises
the more important question of “why the illiberalism, extremism and general
absurdity of radical projects should so frequently be evoked through stories
about their verbal hygiene practices” (Cameron 1995: 118). In other words,
why so much dispute over “mere words”? What she is suggesting here is that
although it is obvious that the “political correctness” debate is more than only
about language, the conflicting views about language itself is a worthy area of
investigation for understanding how language works and how it ought to work.
Arguments about definitions of Malay (Islamic) literature, when juxtaposed93Politically Incorrect Literature? A Feminist Critique against the bigger question of ‘what is literature’, can also be seen to contribute
to the prescriptive versus descriptive debates on language. Is Malay literature
by nature didactic and therefore prescriptive? If so, does it not limit what Malay
literature is?
Literature can be seen as a form of resistance to such practices of verbal
hygiene, that of prescribing what should or should not be used in our language.
Cameron perceives that the so-called “politically correct” are known for their
insistence on replacing usage which they deem insulting and objectionable to
various “minorities”. Well-known examples are high school girls becoming
“women”, mankind becoming “humanity”, disabled people becoming
“physically challenged” and black people in the United States becoming
“African-Americans”. This “war of words” has been going on for more than
forty years or so, starting with feminists introducing new pronouns and titles
such as “Ms. A, chairperson of B” (cited in cameron 1995: 18) followed by
other embattled groups such as ethnic and sexual minorities, older people, and
people with disabilities opening or re-opening similar fronts.
What Cameron further questions and then answers is why is there such
resistance to this linguistic change. She also criticizes what she calls “simplistic
statements by linguists” to explain this phenomenon. This includes Crystal’s
(1984) assertion that the “feminist campaign against sexist language was among
the most successful instances of prescriptivism in living memory” (cited in
Cameron 1995: 18) and Cheshire (1984) putting the success of non-sexist language
down to “natural linguistic evolution in the face of social change.”
Alternatively, Cameron argues that this kind of linguistic change should
be of great interest to linguists due to the fact that although at one level antisexist and anti-racist verbal hygiene practices are obviously about non-linguistic
matters of political belief or allegiance, they are also about the nature of language
itself and about people’s conceptualisations of language. According to Cameron,
this unfortunately
tends to go undiscussed because of the over-simple assumption that ‘language reflects
society’, and that movements for linguistic change are common-sensically represented
as merely parasitic on movements for social change; at the same time they are felt to be
a superfluous embarrassment to those movements, since any social change will ‘naturally’
produce linguistic change. (1995: 118)
Thus, it is clear that the new politically motivated verbal hygiene practices
assumes that language is not just a medium of ideas but a shaper of ideas; that
it is always and inevitably political; and that the ‘truth’ someone speaks may be
relative to the power they hold. And to Cameron, it is this set of assumptions,
rather than the mere intention to substitute one set of terms for another, that
makes the question of “politically correct” language so explosive.
DEFINITIONS OF MALAY LITERATURE
It is clear that the issue of political correctness is more than simply a matter of
changing unacceptable terms to those more acceptable to society. In this paper,
I choose to consider Malay literature in the light of verbal hygiene practices,
such as one that is raised by the issue of political correctness. This leads to an
examination of sexuality as represented in Malay literature as a potential area
that resists definitions of political correctness and verbal hygiene practices.
It is therefore pertinent, at this juncture, to explore the confusion
demonstrated by Malay authors as they struggle to assert an Islamic identity in
their writings, particularly exemplified by the works of one of its more prominent
national laureates, Shahnon Ahmad. This confusion can be seen in the tendency
towards discomfiting descriptions of sexuality and sexual behaviour in the
discourse of modern Malay literature, paradoxically while Islamic values is
simultaneously being promoted. I argue that such explicit sexual expressions
and sexist language can be defined as being politically incorrect in view of the
premise that Malay/Islamic literature emphasizes “beautiful language and
beneficial content”
2
. Ungku Maimunah (2003:54-55) explains that:
[i]n general sastera (“literature”) is used to connote language that is beautiful and content
that is good or beneficial (bahasa yang indah dan isi yang bermanfaat). Notwithstanding
the two aspects singled out, the emphasis on language, in particular beautiful language,
seems to dominate Malay understanding of literature. Beautiful language is seen as an
integral component whose presence gives validity to a text’s claim to literariness.95Politically Incorrect Literature? A Feminist Critique
This understanding of what is literature within Malay contexts helps to
define Malay literature and continues to be used as a measurement of what
should and should not be accepted within the Malay literary canon. Ungku
Maimunah (2003:55) points to the emphasis on language, and not content, in
the Malay understanding of literature as in Kamus Dewan, which defines
literature as “language used in books, not colloquial or bazaar language” [bahasa
dalam kitab-kitab (bukan bahasa basahan)]. This definition, she argues, “not
only emphasizes language and its employment but also distinguishes language
that is not beautiful as ‘not literature’” (ibid.).
Kamus Dewan however is clear that aesthetics refers to language or beautiful language,
and is significantly silent on the question of content. With regard to content, whilst
concession for its presence is made, the elaboration is at best general and is content with
the insistence that it should be “beneficial”. However, of more importance is the glaring
absence of a demand for a particular kind of content in a work before it can be designated
as literature. (Ungku Maimunah 2003:58)
The explicit references to sexual acts and sexuality in the modern Malay
novel may thus be perceived as transgressing the definition of literature above
by the use of language that disturbs the sensibilities of the Malay Muslim reader
and which displays ambivalence in its moral content. Interestingly, it is Shahnon
Ahmad himself, criticized for his works which have been claimed to border
pornography, who postulates that “[k]esusasteraan yang hak adalah
kesusasteraan yang berakhlak” – a legitimate literature is a moral literature
(Shahnon Ahmad, cited in Aveling 2000:163), and who is the first critic of
Malay literature who is responsible for the location of Malay literature within
the larger Islamic literature and has since created continuous polemics on the
matter, both through his critical and creative works.
SEXUALITY AND MALAY IDENTITY
Public concerns over the increasing preoccupation of the population, particularly
in Malay society, with sex, can be seen to escalate with an increasing awareness
of the way that sex is used especially to sell the news. The popular women’s
magazine Jelita in its August 2004 issue addresses the issue of detailed reports
on sex related cases in the Malaysian media. News reports on high profile sex
crimes such as the murder of Noritta Samsudin are sensationalised stories highly
newsworthy in media practice. Norhaizan Ahmad (Jelita August 2004:76)
questions the need for the description of every little detail of the case including
the sexual act itself, without apology and without consideration of its effect on
the mind of society. By such detailed and explicit description of the internal
and external physical condition of the individual “mengulas secara terperinci
dan terang-terangan mengenai keadaan fizikal dalaman dan luaran individu”,96 Sari 24
Norhaizan argues that through such reporting, the media has indirectly become
a legal source of pornographic material.
Malay sexuality has often been assumed to be kept under wraps and talked
about in “hushed tones” (Tope 2004). In exploring the connection between
Malay sexuality and identity, Tope (2004) finds that:
… there is relative silence on the invisible aspects such as sexuality. To begin with,
sexuality has a confidential, secret nature that keeps it invisible. This invisibility is
usually personal in nature. In traditional Malay societies, it is a topic generally avoided,
elided, or often dismissed as a non-issue. Regarded as a taboo subject, or a necessary
evil at best, sexuality seems to be regarded as a discomfiting, discomforting, do-wehave-to-talk-about-it topic meant for hushed whispers or instant dismissals.
Tope further observes that this silence has influenced literature written by
Malay writers (her research is limited to creative works in English) to the effect
that,
[t]here seems to be among Malay writers a hesitation, refusal or inability to express the
sexual self. I can only conjecture explanations for the silence. Perhaps it is because of
Islamic sanctions against the use of the human body for aesthetic purposes. Or perhaps
Malay traditions impose strict cultural control on the sexual self. Whatever the reason,
Malay sexuality may be invisible not only in the personal sense but also in the ethnic
sense. The reticence creates a hushed air around this identity site, implying the hidden,
buried nature of the Malay sexual self.
Contrary to Tope’s observation, scholars of Malay literature have asserted
that far from being taboo, sexuality has unassumingly become an important
ingredient in modern Malay literature, thus allowing modern Malay literature
to become a space for the explicit expression of sexuality, revealing a tendency
to cater for the prurience of the Malay reader. On this, Mohd Zariat Abdul Rani
(2004: v), posits “manifestations of sex act as additional ingredients to spice up
the text”.
ISLAM AND MODERN MALAY LITERATURE
As a country geographically rooted firmly in the East, Malaysia finds itself still
shaky in trying to define itself as a modern progressive nation, while retaining
its Eastern identity, led by a government that operates within the framework of
an “Islamic government”. Islam is the official religion of Malaysia, meaning that
its rituals are observed during state official functions. Within the majority Malay
Muslim community in Malaysia, fears have arisen about the dilution of identity
and consequently the loss of spirituality as Malays face the onslaught of rapid
modernization. The process of modernization has resulted in a dichotomous
position for the Malays as they struggle for a balance in their spiritual (good)
and material (evil) self.97Politically Incorrect Literature? A Feminist Critique
This dilemma can be seen in the Malay Muslims’ tendency to Islamise
practices they deem as non-Islamic or secular. Modern Malay literature can be
seen to have undergone, or rather, is still undergoing, this process of Islamization
whereby it locates itself within the bigger pool of modern Islamic literature.
Mohd. Affandi Hassan (1992:3), however, cautions against such a superficial
Islamization of Malay literature, arguing that such superficial or artificial
treatment may produce writers labelled as Islamic who produce works that are
anti-Islamic or which have even inadvertently secularised Islam.
Modern Malay literature exists within the context of modern-day Malaysia,
an Islamic but multicultural country. Whilst labelling itself as an Islamic
multicultural nation is not unproblematic in itself, Malaysia also struggles as a
nation balancing its Islamic identity with the rapid material and social
developments brought about by its pursuit of a “developed nation” status by
the year 2020.
POLITICAL CORRECTNESS IN MALAY LANGUAGE AND
LITERATURE
Malay political correctness and language use have not been an issue that has
received much attention from language scholars. While the issue of the
derogatory term ‘keling’ in reference to the Indians in Malaysia, and which was
included in the Kamus Dewan became an issue a couple of years ago, leading to
Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka being accused of promoting racist discourse, not
much have been talked about it in relation to sexist language or sexuality. The
opinion that the Malay language is not sexist is often explained away using the
fact that the third person pronoun ‘dia’ in Malay does not indicate sex, leading
to the simplistic conclusion that Malay language does not contain prejudicial
elements or gender bias.
I would propose here that political correctness in the Malay language should
be a concern, especially when Malay language use itself reflects the Malays’
insensitivity towards language use that can be seen as insulting or offensive.
Thus, politically incorrect occurrences in Malay would be dependent on the
contexts of use and generally not embedded within the system.
It is the stand of this paper that sexually explicit language in modern Malay
literature can be read as a form of political incorrectness. The use of overtly
sexual language in modern Malay novels reveals a preoccupation with sex and
sexuality within Malay society. As a literature that claims to continue in the
tradition of Islamic literature, Malay literature that uses explicit language in its
depiction of sex and sexuality reflects a confused identity paradoxically opposed
to Islamic practice and Islamic literary traditions.
Perhaps more importantly for a feminist reading, apart from the overt sexual
overtones, the language of the Malay novel is generally found to be98 Sari 24
overwhelmingly sexist, leading to the work being read as doubly politically
incorrect.
Sexism in Malay literature is apparent particularly in the dehumanisation of
women characters and their bodies. For example, the female body in the modern
Malay novel has been described as food to be eaten, land that needs to be
farmed and even a flower from which honey needs to be extracted/ sucked, or
which blossoms and then wilts from [Yahya Samah, Kelkatu 53] atau yang
“kembang” dan juga “layu” [Yahya Samah, Kelkatu 85]). The use of phrases
such as “young meat” from (“daging muda” [Yahya Samah, Pecah Berderai 4]),
“the bone, skin and meat of a woman”, “country chicken” which has “delicious
meat” from “tulang, kulit dan daging seorang wanita”, “ayam kampung”
yang “dagingnya sedap” [Yahya Samah, Kelkatu 93] and “victim” (‘mangsa’)
to refer to women and women’s bodies reduces women to things to be used by
men, passive and not in control of their fate. This contrasts with the words and
phrases used to refer to men such as “bug” (kumbang), “animal” (binatang),
“dog” (anjing) and “hungry crocodile” (buaya lapar), while semantically
reflecting the predatory nature of men, also show men as animals which are
“alive” compared to the “dead meat” of the women. It is obvious that
linguistically, the woman has been treated as an object to be used, always being
assigned to the position of “patient” to whom something is done, and not that of
an agent.
In this paper, I propose that the use of sexually explicit language in modern
Malay literature amounts to a form of political incorrectness. Such use reveals
Malay society’s preoccupation with sexuality that has become more overt or
explicit, especially in Malay creative writing and also in the media. This
proposition is supported by an analysis of the language of three novels by
Shahnon Ahmad, namely Tok Guru, Ummi & Abang Syeikhul and TIVI.
THE SEXUAL DISCOURSE OF SHAHNON AHMAD
Perhaps, unfortunately for him, Shahnon Ahmad’s most well known (and
presumably most widely read) novel is his notorious Shit (1999). Written to
express his disgust at the political scenario in Malaysia, Shahnon wrote to shock
and successfully did so. The use of such openly taboo language in a creative
work written by a national laureate helped sell the book; the Malaysian public
was certainly fascinated, despite at the same time being repelled by it. The
novel’s title, Shit @ pukimak created a furore and shocked the sensibility of a
nation undergoing what was seen as possibly the biggest political upheaval that
Malaysia had ever experienced.
This paper looks at Shahnon’s works that have clearly juxtaposed religiosity
with sexuality, namely Tok Guru, Ummi & Abang Syeikhul and TIVI. A feminist
reading reveals a categorization of women and their sex and sexuality through99Politically Incorrect Literature? A Feminist Critique
consistent dehumanisation of the woman’s body and the sexual act itself.
Shahnon’s works illustrate the trend in Malay literature in dealing with morality
whereby
[t]he wakil rakyat (“parliamentarians/state councillors/people’s representatives”) were
particularly targeted for their indulgence in illicit sex while religious leaders were depicted
as hypocrites who used religion to further their own interests, namely their polygamous
inclinations. In short, all figures of authority were similarly cast as negligent of their
duty, selfish and corrupt, and held directly responsible for the plight of the poor Malay
masses. (Ungku Maimunah 2003:17)
Two main labels in the categorization in Shahnon’s works are the
categorization of women as soil that needs to be planted with seeds or land that
needs to be farmed, and also as garments for men to wear. In Tok Guru, Shahnon
depicts the Malays’ desire to be close to God and to strengthen their piety. The
novel is told from the first-person perspective of the members of a family who
seek the guidance of a pious person, Tok Guru, in practising their religion. As
the story progresses, it is clear that the brand of religiosity taught by Tok Guru
is one that centres on sex and sexuality through the abuse of the privilege of
polygamy amongst men. In the novel, to have more than one wife is the
measurement of religiosity, the more wives you have (maximum four), the more
religious you are. And for women, their ultimate test of religiosity is in their
involvement in helping their husbands find new wives. Early in the novel, as
they adjust to a more religious lifestyle under the guidance of Tok Guru, Mami
(the wife) is pressured with the task of finding Nana (the husband) a new wife.
The categorization of women’s sexuality begins with Mami’s question to Nana,
“Nana nak cari yang jandakah atau anak dara?” (p. 39). Nana answers her by
referring to what Tok Guru said, that,
isteri itu macam ladang. Dia mesti subur. Tanahnya tanah baik, bukan tanah gersang
kering kontang. Kalau tanah tak baik, Nana nak tanam benih macam mana. Benih saja
baik, tapi tak tumbuh kerana tanah tak baik. (p. 39)
The metaphor of the wife as soil in which seeds are planted continues
throughout the novel, alongside the metaphor of husband and wife as garments
for each other to wear.
Suami isteri ini macam pakaianlah. Suami pakaian isteri, isteri pakaian suami. Kalau
pakaian tentulah yang cantik-cantik, berwarna dan dibuat dari benang-benang yang
halus dan baik. Pakaian juga mesti padan. Suami sebagai pakaian mestilah padan
untuk isteri. Begitu juga isteri sebagai pakaian mestilah padan untuk suami. Kalau
pakaian tak padan, macam mana nak pakai. (p. 72)
The second novel I analyse is Ummi & Abang Syeikhul, which is clearly
similar to Tok Guru in representing Shahnon’s perception of the sexual exploits
of a religious leader (albeit via the legal contract of marriage), and the excesses
and corruption of polygamy as practised by the religious leader. “Strikingly,100 Sari 24
both Tok Guru and Ummi dan Abang Syeikhul are about false religious teachers
with overwhelming sexual appetites” (Aveling 2000:41).
In the novel, a young woman finds that her desire to be close to God through
her husband, the leader of a religious commune, means pandering to her
husband’s desires in the marital bedroom, be they of a violent and abusive
nature. Ummi, the protagonist, discovers her own sexuality and comes to the
realisation that the role of a wife is mainly to cater to a husband’s sexual desires,
which in turn will make him a better ‘man of God’, enabling him to concentrate
on his missionary work better outside of the marital bed.
Ummi is content to serve her husband with her body because this will sooth his nafsu and
he can become a better missionary; her service will ensure her of a secure position in
heaven as his sexual partner there as well (Aveling 2000:212-213).
Ummi’s naivety in accepting her husband’s teachings as she strives to be a
pious woman creates the effect of foregrounding her husband’s corruption and
abuse of religion. Again, as in Tok Guru, the metaphor of the woman as agricultural
soil is used by Shahnon in explaining the sexual act between husband and wife.
Kata Allah yang difahami oleh Ummi: Isteri awak adalah tempat awak bercucuk tanam.
Maka tanamlah dia sebagaimana saja kamu kehendaki. Dan kerjalah amal yang baik
untuk diri mu dan bertaqwalah kepada Allah. (Ummi & Abang Syeikhul 1992:7)
That sex with a religious man tends to be of a violent and abusive nature is
repeatedly described in the novel by contrasting Abang Syeikhul’s behaviour
inside and outside of the marital bed.
Kalau di luar bilik Abang Syeikhul memang lembut dan terasa macam pijak semut pun
tak mati, pijak rumput pun tak ranap, tetapi bila berada dalam bilik tidur, garang macam
singa, buas macam harimau pula. (Ummi & Abang Syeikhul 1992:8)
Such violent behaviour is depicted as the norm in such a marriage and is
crucial for sexual gratification, and is a shadow of the gratification to be enjoyed
in paradise in the Hereafter.
Allah memang Maha adil, kata Kak Siti kerana rahsia kepuasan rumahtangga dan
rahsia yang dirasai oleh suami bersama isteri dan dirasai oleh isteri bersama suami
adalah kepuasan melalui keganasan dan kebuasan inilah. Nikmat yang dirasai itu adalah
juga bayangan syurga. (Ummi & Abang Syeikhul 1992:8)
The repeated use of such well known metaphors by Shahnon Ahmad means
that for the Malay reader, the sexual scenes become as explicit as if they are
described literally, due to the metaphors being habitualized in the discourse.
In Tivi (1995), Shahnon Ahmad admits that he at times crosses the border
over to pornography (Siti Rohayah Attan 1997). Different from Tok Guru and
Ummi & Abang Syeikhul, Tivi tells the story of an ordinary family living in a
rural village whose life is disrupted by modernization through the influence of
the eldest daughter of the family, Chah, who works in a factory in a big town,101Politically Incorrect Literature? A Feminist Critique
Sungai Petani, and who buys a television for the family. In Tivi, the television set
which represents the modernisation of the Malays easily brings about change in
the lifestyle of the family, taking them further away from religion and God, leaving
them obsessed with sex and sexual activities, and even leading to incestuous acts
between the father and the two daughters.
The explicitness in the discourse of Tivi can be seen particularly in
descriptions of the daughters’ bodies as the characters’ senses (particularly the
father’s) become increasingly heightened through much contact with
pornographic material on the television, and through the eldest daughter Chah’s
provocative behaviour.
Dan kaki seluar ketat itu cuma sampai di bawah lutut sedikit saja. Maka bogellah betis
Chah…. Memang nampaklah lurah punggung Chah sebab seluar itu memang ketat
sungguh pun. Dan baju Chah pun tak ada lengan. Nampaklah ketiak apabila tangan
terangkat. Nampaklah bukit-bukau dan gunung-ganang Chah. Memang nampaklah
sebab memang bajunya begitu. (Tivi 1995:25)
The description becomes more explicit as Mat Isa becomes more aware of
her daughter’s body.
Kadang-kadang Mat Isa renung muka dan tubuh badan Chah lama-lama juga sehingga
naik lupa bahawa Chah itu anak daranya sendiri. (Tivi 1995:27)
Tope (2004) explains such depictions (as illustrated by Shahnon’s novels)
as “clearly show[ing] that Malay female identity is closely linked not only to
the maternal or servile, but also to functions of the body that are in the purview
of sexuality” and more importantly, that
[a]s prostitutes, midwives, abortionists, victimized wives, favored mistresses, etc., Malay
female identity is sexually defined. Also, except for the femme fatale, the women in
these portrayals are disempowered, something that Malay women share with other
women in communities ruled by patriarchy.
TOWARDS A DEFINITION OF MALAY ISLAMIC LITERATURE
Whilst the novels analysed in this paper are those by Shahnon Ahmad, it is interesting
to note that it was Shahnon who started spotlighting the need for Malay literature
to realize its role as Islamic literature. He defines Islamic literature as
literature produced in the name of Allah and for humankind. The two expressions, “in the
name of Allah” and “for humankind”, are closely interrelated, for when we produce
literature in the name of Allah, we believe automatically, without any doubt, that everything
which Allah commands of us (through the Quran and the Sunna) is for the well-being and
happiness of human beings. As such, we can conclude that Islamic Literature is literature
in the name of Allah and for the good of all humankind. (Shahnon Ahmad, cited in Ungku
Maimunah 2003:209)102 Sari 24
Ungku Maimunah traces Islamic influence on traditional Malay literature
and explains that this is not something new, although the ‘dakwah’ movement of
the 1960s and 1970s meant a revival of Islamic awareness in Malay literature.
Literary writings of the early years mapped out a moral order that was unmistakably
underpinned by Islam, thereby establishing in the clearest terms possible the Islamic
component of Malay identity. Added to this was the geographical boundary of the rural
scene which became a pivot of the Malay world and from which it drew its strength,
both religious and cultural. In articulating this world, the literature was informed at all
times of the need to protect and preserve this world from the onslaught of the “West”
and its decadent values. This was the cry of the Malay masses for whom the literary
expression was a legitimate platform. (Ungku Maimunah 2003:11)
She explains further the aim of Sastera Islam (Islamic Literature), that
[b]y giving witness to God’s oneness and truths as laid down in the Quran and the
Traditions, Sastera Islam sought to invite its readers to “return” to Islam and to achieve
Allah’s grace. With its clear moral orientation it lent support to a literary form which
sanctioned the use of literature for social purposes, a tradition inherent in Malay literature
which had unstintingly charted the ebb and flow of the country’s history. (Ungku
Maimunah 2003:21)
This development in modern Malay literature led to
[s]tories which bore the imprint of Sastera Islam … thus highlighted instances of
transgressions such as syirik (“attributing divine qualities to other than Allah”), illicit
sex, corruption, dereliction of duty and the like, and the consequences of these lapses
which included chaos, misfortunes, ignoble ending or such like catastrophes. (Ungku
Maimunah 2003:22)
It is thus clear that
[d]efining Sastera Islam in terms of the larger Islamic tradition obviously serves the
goal of establishing links with a heritage that has spanned centuries and transcended
geographical boundaries. (Ungku Maimunah 2003:203)
Such a definition of Malay literature is not without its problems. Mohd. Affandi
Hassan worries over what he sees as
a growing confusion or inability among writers and critics alike to differentiate between
elements of Islam in literature (unsure Islam) and the more rigorous and demanding
employment of Islamic literature as a formal discipline in creative writing and its attendant
literary criticism. This confusion in turn leads to what he sees as the adoption of the
trappings of Islam such as the use of terminology associated with Islam, Quranic verses
and references to the Traditions, all of which are grafted onto literary works to give
them a superficial Islamic identity. They are then passed on or bandied about as sastera
Islam or Islamic literature. According to MAH [Mohd. Affandi Hassan], such works are
not informed by clearly defined Islamic philosophical framework and do not demonstrate
the necessary Islamic worldview and, as such, are a travesty of Islamic literature. (Ungku
Maimunah 2003:249)103Politically Incorrect Literature? A Feminist Critique
Shahnon, however, defends his style of writing what he calls Islamic
literature, especially in the controversial Tivi, as representing society’s reality.
Jangan marahkan saya sekiranya terasa kelucahannya, terasa erotikanya, terasa
pornografinya kerana saya hanya mematuhi tuntutan realiti masyarakat dalam berkarya.
Saya tidak boleh berbohong. Saya mencuba mengajak pembaca berdepan dengan realiti
masyarakat. Kelucahan, erotika dan pornografi itu adalah real, malah sudah pun
melampaui batas yang di luar dugaan sekali. (Shahnon Ahmad, in Mohamed Anwar
2004:51)
In claiming it to be within the genre of Islamic literature, Shahnon asserts
that readers who criticizes Tivi as pornographic have missed the point.
Bagi saya TIVI bukanlah sebuah novelet yang layak dilucahi tetapi sepatutnya sangat
layak digeruni. Dalam kegerunan azab Allah itulah tersebatinya unsur tarbiyah, unsur
jihad dan sufistik dalam TIVI. (Shahnon Ahmad, in Mohamed Anwar 2004:52)
It is apparent that Shahnon Ahmad as the proponent of Islamic literature
within the Malay literary tradition has paradoxically created ambiguities in the
definition of what is literature, more specifically, what is Malay Islamic literature.
This state of affairs has led Aveling to conclude that
[i]t may be regretted that the task which Shahnon set himself, the creation of an
authentic, moral and non-violent Islamic literature based on a recognition of all
persons as the servants of God, remains as yet unfulfilled in Shahnon’s writing.
(Aveling 2000:217)
This state of affairs certainly does not augur well for the state of modern
Malay literature, since it appears to still be grappling with its identity, and still
trying to prove its worth within the tradition of Islamic literature.
CONCLUSION
A close reading of the above novels reveals the objectification of women whereby
women are reduced to being body, thus still confirming a Western bias in the
representation of Malay sexuality. Malay female sexuality is sensationalised
and becomes the centre around which the narration of Malay sexuality revolves.
In Tivi, it is done through Chah, who brings home a television set for her family
and subsequently creates an atmosphere fraught with sexual tension, both
through the vicarious television experience and also through her infectious
wanton behaviour. In Tok Guru and Ummi & Abang Syeikhul, Shahnon places
the pious woman at the centre, struggling to come to terms with her sexual
desires even as she seeks God’s pleasure.
Tope (2004) argues that there is a “strong moral component attached to
Malay female sexuality. Sexuality, especially female sexuality, seems to be a
nemesis of morality” and that such literary works “open the window slightly into104 Sari 24
that space of sexuality which defines ethnicity”. It is not surprising then that sex
and sexuality tend to be foregrounded in modern Malay literature albeit within
“[t]he acceptable notion of sex in Malay culture [which] is that it must be conjugal,
procreative and heterosexual” (Tope 2004).
There is a strong interconnection between sexual/textual politics and creative
writing. The interconnection can be seen in the explicit sexual themes addressed
in the modern Malay novel and in the use of sexist discourse particularly in
reference to women.
While my framing of sexual and sexist discourse in Malay novels as a
form of political incorrectness means that the definition of Malay literature is
limited or narrowed, the justification for the use of politically correct language
can be seen from the belief that its use fulfils the demands for politeness, accuracy
and justice in Malay Islamic literature. These three aspects of politically correct
language better suit the definition of Malay Islamic literature to be expressive
of “beautiful language and beneficial content”.
A familiar criticism of political correctness is that it is actually only a form
of euphemism going against the norm of plain language, and which “tells it like
it is” or “calls a spade a spade”. Orwell (cited in Cameron) feels that this
euphemism has a calming effect on the listener/reader “by wrapping unpleasant
truths in a soft cloud of ‘verbal cotton-wool’”. Cameron, however, asserts that
just because an expression is more polite than other expressions, does not
necessarily make it a euphemism. Cameron compares politeness and euphemism,
and differentiates the two; politeness shows awareness and sensitivity to others’
feelings, while euphemism is avoidance of use of a word or an idea which if expressed
openly is taboo.
The definition of political correctness in this paper has been expanded to
include writings that use explicit sexual discourse. The use of such explicit
sexual discourse is found to be in opposition to the ethics and politeness of the
tradition of Malay Islamic literature and gives rise to the question about which
literary tradition modern Malay novelists follow. At the same time, such sexual
discourse reveals a sexist approach to representation and categorization of
women particularly apparent in the dehumanization of women characters.
The application of political incorrectness to the use of sexual and sexist
discourse in the modern Malay novel has opened up a space for a discussion of
what is appropriate and what is not in discourses on sex and sexuality within
Malay Islamic contexts. This discussion is important in order for Malay Muslim
writers to resist uncontrolled sexual liberation and also the habitualization of
sexually explicit discourse in Malay literature. Resistance this habitualization
process can be seen as a positive move towards critical language awareness of
literary texts via a defamiliarization of the term “political correctness” itself.
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